Your favorite movie character an Example of the Topic Film Essays by

Your favorite movie character The females in the movies "Psycho" (director Alfred Hitchcock) and "The Graduate" (director Micke Nichols) are drawn as being very immoral. They could be easily charged with stealing money, adultery, incest, and even murder. Need essay sample on "Your favorite movie character" topic? We will write a custom essay sample specifically for you Proceed Marion Crane (actress Janet Leigh) is young and pretty, she works as an estate secretary. During her lunch breaks she meets her lover, Sam in cheep hotel rooms. He comes all the way from Fairvale only to spend a little time with her. She is obviously very much in love with him, but very unsatisfied with her current life. She considers the lack of money the reason why she cannot marry Sam. She lives with her sister, and seems to wish very much to have her own house. She is not pleased any more with their short escapades and she obviously wants more. After a brief afternoon with her lover she returns to the office. It is in the office where temptation occurs. A very arrogant, very pleased with himself, customer, Mr. Cassidy, enters the office. After a conversation, in which Mr. Cassidy, brags about how he kept her daughter happy all her life, Marion is entrusted to put 40.000 dollars in a safe deposit box at a bank. Observing the customer who talks to her so highly and praises himself, thinking that he can buy anything with his money, even his daughter happiness who is supposed to get married the fallowing day, she starts to think that maybe she is far more entitled to the forty thousand dollars than his spoilt daughter. Thus the idea of stealing the money is triggered by the loyal wealthy customer, Mr. Cassidy, who also flirts with her. When Marion's office colleague offers her a pill for her headache, her answer is: "you can't buy happiness with pills", but she is convinced that happiness can be bought with money. At home she packs a luggage. While she packs she thinks about the money, about how they will be a great help to her future wit her beloved. It seems she is analyzing whether to run away with the 40.000 $ or not. From this moment on, the character's actions are driven by the heart. Marion's love for Sam is a final point in her determination to steal the money and leave for Fairvale. It is a moment of madness, she seems very determined to start a new life with her lover. So, she grabs her luggage and starts her trip to Fairvale. On her way, she is spotted by her boss, while driving the car. He knew her in bed suffering from a severe headache. The movie is slightly filled with tension. Her mind slowly slips away. She imagines what Sam will say when she will reach him; she has doubts about her action. She knows it is wrong and immoral to steal, but she is desperate to gain her well deserved happiness. She is depicted as a "knight" on his way to save his love; she is out of control, not a ble to handle her apparently mentally ill behavior. The next morning she wakes up in her car and a policeman is bothering her with uneasy questions. Her soul is haunted by guilt and this fact seems to reflect into the policeman's dark glasses. Continuing her trip she imagines her being captured. Her face is illuminated by the oncoming cars resembling interrogation spotlights. The rain is pouring; her deteriorating mental state and self-destructive conscience lead her, unwillingly, to Norman Bates' (actor Anthony Perkins) hotel and eventually to her death. Mr. Bates (or Mrs. Bates as the viewer later on finds out) apparently is a likeable, peculiar and rather childish character. He delightfully welcomes his new client offering her a comfortable room on a rainy night. Marion is vulnerable, physically tired and she is not capable of reading the sings of a mentally ill person any longer. She turns into an easy pray for the young "hawk", Mr. Bates, whose conception is that "we all go a little mad sometimes". She overhears what was supposed to be a fight between Norman and his ill, old mother. It appears that Norman's mother, Mrs. Bates is not too thrilled about her sun taking dinner with a strange woman, or any woman. Yet, after a strange dinner with Norman Bates, Marion retreats into her room, alone with her thoughts, thinking about her next step. After carefully meditating and calculating her situation she decides to take a shower. It is not clear if she decides to give back the money, and repent for her crazy act, or continue on the road to Sam and maybe to gain her happiness. The shower was supposed to wash away her guilt. She feels reborn and full of energy as the water is coming down her body. Marion finds her death in the shower, stabbed several times by a figure that looked like an old fashioned woman. At the end of the movie the viewer finds out that the murderer is in fact Norman, influenced by the woman from his mind, his dead mother. The character of this female is depicted through her son, Norman. She probably was a very wicked, possessive woman, who loved to use the power she had over her son. Maybe not being capable of fully understanding him, she was the one who implied to Norman the fact that he was weird, instead of offering the love he urged for, from his own mother. He feels abandoned and unimportant when his mother decides to remarry. Her lack of love for him, her constant lack of satisfaction when it came to him triggers the matricide. Norman kills both her and her lover. The murder is unbearable to him, thus he resurrects his mother in his unstable mind. She continues to dominate his life long after her death. This might mean that she was a very cruel, cold, maybe even selfish person. Her voice seams to be brought back from hell. Anyway, the only hint of incest is in the words of Norman: "A son is a pour substitute for a lover". At this point the viewer is uncertain whether the mother was so immoral as to force her own son to fulfill the duties of a lover, or Norman was so mentally ill as to rape his own mother. Her possessive, bitter nature might be the reason of Norman's criminal actions. "The graduate" presents another type of immoral woman, the common type, this time; the one who commits adultery. Mrs. Robinson (actress Anne Bancroft) is married, and the Robinsons are very old friends with the Benjamins, a wealthy family. Benjamin (actor Dustin Hoffman) is fresh out of college and extremely confused about his future. Under these circumstances, back home he is faced with a brand new experience. The married Mrs. Robinson, not so young any more, but still attractive, tries to seduce him, and eventually succeeds. Mrs. Robinson is depicted as a very "sad" female character. First of all the viewer finds out that she has a drinking problem, and on top of it, she also smokes a lot. She is thus giving tributes to several vices. She doesn't have a happy marriage. She confessed that she got married after she found out she was pregnant with her daughter Elaine. She married the wealthy Mr. Robinson, but maybe she didn't wish for it at all. She plays the role of a victim very well, she makes Benjamin drive her home, where she lures him into the house under the pretext she is scared of the dark. She has the attitude of a very confident person, resembling a business woman. Very persuasive, she is very cool and firm in her tone unlike Marion, who is not very cool and determined in her actions. Benjamin is left inert and confused faced with Mrs. Robinson's sexual seduction. She is sexualy aggressive, obviously neurotic and cynical. She is very good in twisting Benjamin's words, and making him feel as if he is the one who flirts with her and not the other way around. This makes Ben feel very uneasy because clearly, not one moment did he intended to seduce a woman old enough to be his mother. Benjamin accepts his affaire with Mrs. Robinson as a symbol of his struggle to save himself from sinking in a materialistic society. Mrs. Robinson is interested only in the physical relationship; she is not willing to give away anything more than her body. She is miserable, and she can't bear to see the ones around her being happy. She is aware that, if Benjamin will meet her young daughter Elaine, they would fall in love. She is selfish; she doesn't want to see her daughter happy, marrying from love and not having an arranged marriage, like she did. Thus, when Benjamin in joking that he will invite Elaine out, Mrs. Robinson grabs his hair, becomes rather violent, and demands to be promised that he will never take Elaine out. She feels useless, the only thing she feels secure about is her beauty, and that is slowly fading away. Her fling with Benjamin supposes to compensate for her meaningless life. She admits that the only thing she is looking forward to is her hotel encounters with Benjamin. Mrs. Robinson obviously has a very low esteem herself, she considers herself to be a "sick and disgusting person". She feels pity for herself, but admits that her affair with Benjamin is pleasant. She is confused about her life; the only thing she feels confident about is her beauty. She is afraid of getting old and ugly and she doesn't want her daughter to be thought as more beautiful than her. She threatens to divulge her affair if Benjamin will date Elaine. Very scared of losing Benjamin, who is her "toy", and who obviously means very much to her, she is prepared to risk her marriage, and get Ben into a great deal of trouble. In contrast with her mother, Elaine is depicted as a very sensible creature. Very innocent, she has no clue of how mean her mother could be. She is nice and friendly although at the beginning she is humiliated by Ben who is very confused about how he should act during their arranged date. Elaine is a good listener; her inner purity sparks Benjamin's confession. Ben is capable of speaking to Elaine, about his worries and confusions regarding his future. In the end he realizes that Elaine is the only one he could talk to, that she is different from all the others, who are stuck in their materialistic, meaningless life. So he confesses his love for her. The women described in the two movies are winding through a bourgeois, rather sick world. The perfect word describing this society is provided by Mr. McGuire when he gives a piece of advice to Ben: "plastics", meaning an artificial society. These women might find an excuse for all their immoral actions. Marion steals the money because she wishes a better life with her lover; Mrs. Robinson seduces a twenty one year old graduate, old enough to be her sun, because she is unhappy and disappointed about herself and her marriage. In conclusion, the main theme of both movies could be resumed to the female inner struggle to regain a psychical balance and their strong influence on the ones that surround them. BIBLIOGRAPHY International Movie Database, "Psycho"; http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0054215/plotsummary Filmsite, Review by Tim Dirks, 1996-2007 ; http://www.filmsite.org/grad.html Filmsite, Review by Tim Dirks, 1996-2007; http://www.filmsite.org/psyc.html The International Movie Database, "The Graduate".

Biography of Maj. John Andre, Who Aided Benedict Arnold

Biography of Maj. John Andre, Who Aided Benedict Arnold Major John Andre (May 2, 1750–Oct. 2, 1780) was a British intelligence officer during the American Revolution. In 1779, he assumed oversight of secret intelligence for the British army and opened contact with American traitor Maj. Gen. Benedict Arnold. Andre was later captured, convicted, and hanged as a spy. Fast Facts: Major John Andre ï » ¿Known For: Handler for infamous American traitor Major General Benedict ArnoldBorn: May 2, 1750 in London, EnglandParents: Antione Andre, Marie Louise GirardotDied: Oct. 2, 1780 in Tappan, New YorkNotable Quote: As I suffer in the defense of my country, I must consider this hour as the most glorious of my life. Early Life and Education John Andre was born May 2, 1750, in London, England, the son of Huguenot parents. His father Antione was a Swiss-born merchant, while his mother Marie Louise hailed from Paris. Though initially educated in Britain, he was later sent to Geneva for schooling. A strong student, he was known for his charisma, skill at languages, and artistic ability. Returning to England in 1767, he was intrigued by the military but lacked the means to purchase a commission in the army. Two years later, he had to enter business following his fathers death. During this period, Andre met Honora Sneyd through his friend Anna Seward. They became engaged but delayed a wedding until he had built his fortune. Over time, their feelings cooled and the engagement was terminated. Having accumulated some money, Andre revisited his desire for an army career. In 1771, he purchased a lieutenants commission and was sent to the University of Gà ¶ttingen in Germany to study military engineering. After two years, he was ordered to join the 23rd Regiment of Foot (Welsh Regiment of Fusiliers). American Revolution Andre reached Philadelphia and moved north via Boston to his unit in Canada. With the April 1775 outbreak of the American Revolution, Andres regiment moved south to occupy Fort Saint-Jean in Quebec province. In September, the fort was attacked by American forces under Brig. Gen. Richard Montgomery. After a 45-day siege, the garrison surrendered. Andre was captured and sent south to Lancaster, Pennsylvania, where he lived with the family of Caleb Cope in a loose house arrest until freed in a prisoner exchange in late 1776. Rapid Rise During his time with the Copes, he gave art lessons and compiled a memoir regarding his experiences in the Colonies. Upon his release, he presented this memoir to  Gen. Sir William Howe, commander of British forces in North America. Impressed by the young officer, Howe promoted him to captain on Jan. 18, 1777, and recommended him as an aide to Maj. Gen. Charles Grey. He saw service with Grey at the Battle of Brandywine, Paoli Massacre, and Battle of Germantown. That winter, as the American army endured hardships at Valley Forge, Andre enjoyed the British occupation of Philadelphia. Living in Benjamin Franklins house, which he later looted, he was a favorite of the citys Loyalist families and entertained numerous ladies, including Peggy Shippen. In May 1778, he planned an elaborate party for Howe before his return to Britain. That summer, the new commander, Gen. Sir Henry Clinton, abandoned Philadelphia and returned to New York. Moving with the army, Andre participated in the Battle of Monmouth on June 28. New Role After raids in New Jersey and Massachusetts later that year, Grey returned to Britain. Because of his conduct, Andre was promoted to major and made adjutant-general of the British Army in America, reporting to Clinton. In April 1779, his portfolio was expanded to include overseeing the British intelligence network in North America. A month later, Andre received word from American Maj. Gen. Benedict Arnold that he wished to defect. Arnold had married Shippen, who used her prior relationship with Andre to open communication. A secret correspondence ensued in which Arnold asked for equal rank and pay in the British Army in exchange for his loyalty. While he negotiated with Andre and Clinton regarding compensation, Arnold provided a variety of intelligence. That fall, communications broke off when the British balked at Arnolds demands. Sailing south with Clinton late that year, Andre took part in the operations against Charleston, South Carolina, in early 1780. Returning to New York that spring, Andre resumed contact with Arnold, who was to take command of the fortress at West Point in August. They began corresponding regarding a price for Arnolds defection and the surrender of West Point to the British. On Sept. 20, Andre sailed up the Hudson River aboard HMS Vulture to meet with Arnold. Concerned about his aides safety, Clinton instructed Andre to remain vigilant and in uniform at all times. Reaching the rendezvous point, Andre slipped ashore on the night of Sept. 21 and met Arnold in the woods near Stony Point, New York.  Arnold took Andre to the house of Joshua Hett Smith to complete the deal. Talking through the night, Arnold agreed to sell his loyalty and West Point for 20,000 pounds. Trapped Dawn arrived before the deal was completed and American troops fired on the Vulture, forcing it to retreat down the river. Trapped behind American lines, Andre had to return to New York by land.  He expressed concern about taking this route to Arnold, who provided Andre with civilian clothes and a pass for getting through American lines. He also gave Andre papers detailing West Points defenses. Smith was to accompany him for most of the journey. Using the name John Anderson, Andre rode south with Smith. They encountered little difficulty through the day, though Andre decided that wearing his British uniform was dangerous and donned the civilian clothes.   Captured That evening, Andre and Smith encountered a detachment of New York militia, who implored the two to spend the evening with them.  Though Andre wanted to press on, Smith felt it prudent to accept the offer.  Continuing their ride the next morning, Smith left Andre at the Croton River. Entering neutral territory between the two armies, Andre felt comfortable until around 9 a.m., when he was stopped near Tarrytown, New York, by three American militiamen. Questioned by John Paulding, Isaac Van Wart, and David Williams, Andre was tricked into revealing that he was a British officer. After being arrested, he denied the charge and offered Arnolds pass. But the militiamen searched him and found in his stocking the West Point papers. Attempts to bribe the men failed. He was taken to North Castle, New York, where he was presented to Lt. Col. John Jameson. Failing to grasp the situation, Jameson reported Andres capture to Arnold. Jameson was blocked from sending Andre north by American intelligence chief Maj. Benjamin Tallmadge, who ordered him held and forwarded the captured documents to Gen. George Washington, who was en route to West Point from Connecticut. Taken to American headquarters at Tappan, New York, Andre was imprisoned in a local tavern. The arrival of Jamesons letter tipped Arnold that he had been compromised and allowed him to escape capture shortly before Washingtons arrival and join the British. Trial and Death Having been captured behind the lines under a false name wearing civilian clothes, Andre was immediately considered a spy. Tallmadge, a friend of executed American spy Nathan Hale, informed Andre that he expected he would hang. Held in Tappan, Andre was exceptionally polite and charmed many Continental officers including the Marquis de Lafayette and Lt. Col. Alexander Hamilton. Though the rules of war would have allowed for Andres immediate execution, Washington moved deliberately as he investigated the scope of Arnolds betrayal. To try Andre, he convened a board of officers headed by Maj. Gen. Nathanael Greene with notables such as Lafayette, Lord Stirling, Brig. Gen. Henry Knox, Baron Friedrich von Steuben, and Maj. Gen. Arthur St. Clair. At trial, Andre claimed that he had been unwillingly trapped behind American lines and as a prisoner of war was entitled to attempt escape in civilian clothes. These arguments were dismissed. On Sept. 29, he was found guilty of being a spy behind American lines under a feigned name and in a disguised habit and sentenced to hang. Though he wished to save his favorite aide, Clinton was unwilling to meet Washingtons demand to release Arnold in exchange. Andre was hanged on Oct. 2, 1780. His body, initially buried under the gallows, was re-interred in 1821 in Londons Westminster Abbey at the Duke of Yorks behest. Legacy For many, even on the American side, Andre left a legacy of honor. Although his request for execution by firing squad considered a more honorable death than hanging, was rejected, according to lore he placed the noose around his own neck. Americans were taken by his charm and intellect. Washington referred to him as being more unfortunate than criminal, an accomplished man, and a gallant officer. Hamilton wrote, â€Å"Never perhaps did any man suffer death with more justice, or deserve it less. Across the Atlantic, Andres monument in Westminster Abby bears a mourning figure of Britannia that is inscribed, in part, to a man universally Beloved and esteemed by the Army in which he served and lamented even by his FOES.

Overview of the Xiongnu Nomads

Overview of the Xiongnu Nomads Xiongnu was a multi-ethnic nomadic grouping from Central Asia which existed between about 300 B.C. and 450 A.D. Pronunciation:  SHIONG-nu Also Known  As:  Hsiung-nu The Great Wall The Xiongnu were based in what is now Mongolia and frequently raided south into China. They were such a threat that the first Qin Dynasty emperor, Qin Shi Huang, ordered the construction of huge fortifications along the northern border of China- fortifications that later were expanded into the Great Wall of China. An Ethnic Quandry Scholars have long debated the ethnic identity of the Xiongnu: Were they a Turkic people, Mongolian, Persian, or some mixture? In any case, they were a warrior people to be reckoned with. One ancient Chinese scholar, Sima Qian, wrote in the Records of the Grand Historian that the last emperor of the Xia Dynasty, who ruled sometime around 1600 B.C., was a Xiongnu man. However, it is impossible to prove or disprove this claim. The Han Dynasty Be that as it may, by 129 B.C., the new Han Dynasty decided to declare war against the troublesome Xiongnu. (The Han sought to re-establish trade along the Silk Road to the west and the Xiongnu made this a difficult task.) The balance of power between the two sides shifted over the next few centuries, but the Northern Xiongnu were driven out of Mongolia after the Battle of Ikh Bayan (89 A.D.), while the Southern Xiongnu were absorbed into Han China. The Plot Thickens Historians believe that the Northern Xiongnu continued west until they reached Europe under a new leader, Attila, and a new name, the Huns.

INDIAN NEGOTIATION STYLES Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 1

INDIAN NEGOTIATION STYLES - Essay Example In essence, Indian negotiating styles combines the values of culture honesty and details in ways that focus largely on the results rather than the processes. Business is considered as a culture and not simply a means towards profits. Success and failure are assessed in terms of the character and ability of agents rather than logical outcomes of strategies and processes (Martin, & Chaney, 2009). In the context of international business, the negotiation process in India is considered, in many circles, as a process of balance of power and an adjustment of equilibriums between the presumed cultural greatness of the west and Indian culture. Cultural balance and cultural universalism acquire more prominence to challenge the negative assumptions resident in theories of cultural relativism as understood in business context. Indian negotiating styles significantly rely on the details (Zubko, & Sahay, 2010). Issues are broken down into their constituent parts and analyzed in accordance with the manner in which they relate to the bigger picture. In essence, the process entails the realization of a range of issues that connect with outcomes. Usually, the focus begins with the bigger picture before attention is given to the driving factors and the specifics of the deal. Clarity and order in the details of the deal becomes necessary for purposes of assessing the feasibility of the deal. Naturally, Indians prefer the guidance of clear data and mathematical procedure towards the attainment of a given goal. This trait is consistent with the cultural attachment to matters of mathematical and scientific importance. Studies have connected these traits to the flourishing IT and medicine culture in the country. Family and business comprise the uniform continuum that forms part of the Indian culture (Desai, 2012). Appreciating the family connections behind India’s corporate world remains a key starting point of developing insights into the working of the system. Usually,

DISCUSS the three main problems faced by your country today. SUGGEST Coursework

DISCUSS the three main problems faced by your country today. SUGGEST and EVALUATE possible solutions - Coursework Example One of the reasons of high rise in crime rates is unemployment. Due to the current major global economic crisis, many locals have been left unemployed and many immigrants have been sent back to their home lands, while many have stayed back. Unemployment rate definitely goes high when the economy is unstable, resulting in no jobs and no money. Due to such conditions, out of frustration, people end up committing such crimes and thefts. Inflation is another major cause for the increasing crime rate. Inflation in Malaysia is now reaching peaks. Petrol prices are rising daily and so are prices of household items. This makes many Malaysian citizens suffer because their salaries cannot compensate their living expenses (Hock & Kesavapany 2006). The best way of fighting street crime is by being alert of personal safety practices and precautions. Be conscious of a probable problem before it occurs is important. Remove the opportunities for the criminal to target you. Be alert of the atmosphere you are in at all times, stay away from strange areas and gloomy lanes. If you sense fearfulness in the surroundings, as you can go elsewhere as soon. Be attentive where there is heavy traffic or in a crowd, particularly in tourist vicinities. Try not to carry any personal items with you but if necessary do keep them but out of sight, especially when having a snack, do not leave your valuables like your cell phone, wallet or bag on the table or chair even if you think your attention is on it. In all crowded areas watch your handbag, wallet, camera, ornaments, watch, etc. Whilst driving, constantly keep the doors locked and never leave your personal belongings unattended when you get off the car. Purse snatching is a thievery that occur s at every single hour and usually amidst a large set of observers, even in high-end neighborhoods.  Women on foot with kids are the most frequent targets.  Victims

A Latin Christmas Essay Example for Free

A Latin Christmas Essay In Martin Espadas Latin Night at the Pawnshop, the poet examines the Latin culture during Christmas time in a young, but still growing community of Latino immigrants. The poem proposes that during some time in America, people of Latino descent could not enjoy themselves during the holidays as they would if they were in their own country. Therefore, the theme of the poem is heavily influenced by the demise of Latin culture in America. Espada augments his poem to make the theme clear by using the following elements of poetry: diction and tone, symbols, and imagery. Diction and tone play a critical role in Espadas poem. In the first line, Espada uses what I think to be the most important word in the whole poem, apparition, to bring about a vision he has of a salsa band through the window of a pawnshop. The word apparition means a ghostlike image. By evaluating this word and its context, the poem itself has created a tone right away. We can say that the mood of this poem is very gloomy and depressing when all one can see is a ghost and nothing else. The poem then continues with descriptive words to describe other aspects. For instance, the word gleaming is introduced. The word gleaming means to shine brightly. By introducing this word, the poet draws emphasis on how important this salsa band is to him during Christmas. However, locked in the shop are gleaming instruments that cant play no more and Christmas to him is left in utter silence. Moreover, Espada mentions two distinct colors, a golden trumpet (line 4) and a silver trombone (line 5). Both silver and gold help represent the time of Christmas. Almost all Christmas trees use silver and gold ornaments as a decorative feature. Also, the poem ends with another word worth noting, morgue. A morgue is a place where dead bodies are kept. Ironically, during Christmas, we dont associate death with such a joyful time. However, in this poem, a connotation for the word morgue could include death. Now, putting all these elements together, we can conclude that Espada is revealing a very dark Christmas he had gone through. A Christmas where there was no trumpet blowing, no trombone playing, no congas drumming, no maracas swinging, no tambourines shaking, and that all present was just the thought of it-no real Christmas. Espada also uses symbols to further develop his point. The three major symbols in this poem are indeed the pawnshop, the instruments, and the price tags. First, the essence of the pawnshop itself is important because it tells a story, beyond itself. Sometimes money gets in the way of a persons happiness. As a result, we pawn the stuff we really cherish for a quick buck. Espada is trying to explain that on top of the struggles Latinos face, they also must sacrifice the things they love. Second, the instruments tell us a great deal about the demise of Latin culture in America. Instead of being played and making great music during the holidays, they sit there unused. Espada in his poem creates an unwanted feeling. Lastly, the price tags that resemble that of a dead mans toe are equally important. The tickets symbolize the presence of death where there should be life. The Latin culture in the town of Chelsea is completely dead. Latinos have given up on their culture in place where its not truly accepted. These elements create the point Espada is trying to express. Imagery is also an important aspect to this poem. The poet creates imagery that attacks several senses and by doing so, it also helps pinpoint the importance of different ideas. Espada writes, gleaming in the Liberty loan pawnshop window, (line 2). As one reads, you cant help but imagine seeing this bright light coming out through a window and showing you a salsa band. Furthermore, Espada mentions several instruments. With this inclusion, one can imagine hearing the sounds of these lovely instruments playing coherently and in sync together. However, Espada also writes, all the price tags dangling like the city morgue ticket on a dead mans toe, (lines 7,8,9). This image develops a kind of chilly and nervous feeling about whats actually going on in the poem. All in all, by putting these sources of imagery together, you notice what the poet is trying convey. Espada is drawing our attention to a salsa band and all of its instruments, but in the end things arent always what we want or expect. The Latino culture is nothing more than an illusion, in a land that does not treat its immigrants well. Thus, in Latin Night at the Pawnshop, Espada creates a poem that expresses  his concerns about Latin culture in Massachusetts in the late 1980s by using different elements of poetry. The power of diction and tone, symbols, and imagery, enrich the central theme the poet wants to make. Espada does a great job converting one simple moment, into a thousand words and ideas.

Tamoxifen Undergoes Optimization Essay -- Medical Drug

Tamoxifen Undergoes Optimization Abstract Computer programs like GaussView and Gaussian 03W are some of the advanced tools that can be used by scientists to design and optimize new designed drug. Using the exact same tools as scientists today, I am going to take a known drug, Tamoxifen, and create few analogs similar to its structure. Before I can create some analogs in GaussView, I am going to study and examine the structure of Tamoxifen to understand the chemistry that involves in this structure. For example, the bonds between molecules and the interactions between the drug and estrogen receptor complex site. After I design an analog of Tamoxifen, I will then use the Gaussian 03W program to optimize the analog. As for the last step in determining if an analog is a good candidate for a new designed drug, I am going to use a special computer program called OpenEye Software to help me make that prediction. Introduction Breast Cancer is the most common type of cancer known among women in the US. It is the second-leading cause of cancer-related deaths. More than 180,000 women are diagnosed with breast cancer each year. In 2006, out of all of these women, 40,000 died. Although breast cancer mainly affects women, data shows that men can also be affected as well; each year more than 1,000 men are diagnosed with breast cancer 3. This information shows that cancer can affect anyone regardless of an individual’s gender, ethnicity, etc. It is important that everyone knows about breast cancer and helps friends or family members with breast cancer to find way to diagnose it. In nowadays, scientists are learning more about cancer and are exploring new ways to prevent, detect, diagnose, and treat this deadly disease 1. .. ...c., 1997. 3. Corey, E. J., Barbara Czako, and Laszlo Kurti. Molecules and medicine. New Jersey: John Wiley &Sons, Inc., 2007. 4. Jordan, V., ed. Long-Term Tamoxifen Treatment for Breast Cancer. Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1994. 5. Oxford University Press. "Figure 18.44: Tamoxifen." Online Resource Centre. 29 Jul. 2008. tamoxifen.jpg>. 6. Wikipedia. "Tamoxifen." Wikipedia. 29 Jul. 2008. . 7. Wiseman, Helen. Tamoxifen-Molecular Basis of Use in Cancer Treatment and Prevention. England: John Wiley &Sons Ltd, 1994. 8. Nolte, RT. "Crystal structure of Estrogen Related Reecptor-3 (ERR-gamma) ligand binding domaind with tamoxifen analog GSK5182." Protein Data Bank. 29 Jul. 2008. .

Total Quality Management in Higher Education

TOTAL QUALITY MANAGEMENT IN HIGHER EDUCATION Ranjana, Lecturer Doaba College of Education ABSTRACT In this world of ever-growing competition, rapid changes of technology, privatization and internalization in education have led to the use of the concept of TQM in higher education. Student is nowadays considered as a customer and the system of education needs to be according to the needs of the customer (Student). In India, inspite of a large number of Universities, deemed universities, medical, engineering, arts and science colleges the quality of higher education leaves much to be desired. Therein lays the need of applying TQM in higher education. The paper answers to the question as how to apply TQM in higher education. PAPER Excellence-Whether in a National Endeavour, a Company, an Athletic competition or a Personal Goal-Comes from the Never Ending Pursuit of Improvement. Introduction In this world of ever increasing competition, rapid changes of technology, declining quality, changing demographics, privatization and internalization in education have led to the use of the concept of TQM in education. The student nowadays is considered as customer and the system of education needs to be according to the requirement of the customer (student). India has 350- plus Universities and deemed universities and over 14,000 medical, engineering and arts and science colleges. Despite this the quality of higher education in India has left much to be desired. All this highlights the need for TQM in higher education. In this paper I intend to throw light on the application of TQM in higher education, simultaneously highlighting the benefits of applying TQM and the Accreditation agencies in India. For this, I surveyed the relevant literature on the topic. Conceptual background of TQM The three major figures in the TQM movement are: W. Edwards Deming, originator of fourteen points of TQM, Dr. J. M. Juran, author of the Juran Trilogy and Philip B. Cresby, who outlined the four Absolutes of Quality Management. Dr. W. Edwards Deming, an American by origin is known as the â€Å"Father of the concept of TQM†. He framed the concept of TQM in 1946 after World War II for production of goods and services in consumer sector. It was intended to satisfy the quest by customers for quality in products The Americans didn’t realize its importance but the Japanese embraced the concept. As a result, Japanese secondary markets were rebuilded and its Tertiary economy also nurtured. This led the American Industrialists in 1980’s to adopt TQM as a vital component in their operations. TQM: Meaning Total Quality Management or TQM is a management strategy aimed at embedding awareness of quality in all organizational processes. Everyone in organization strives and creates customer satisfaction continually at lower real costs. Quality assurance through statistical methods is a key component. TQM aims to do things right the first time, rather than need to fix problems after they emerge. Higher education: Meaning Higher education is the education beyond secondary school level. It includes the colleges and the Universities. TQM in Higher Education TQM has been recently introduced and experimented in higher education. Many Universities and Colleges enhance the quality of higher education by applying Total Quality Management as a tool. We can understand the meaning of TQM in higher education in light of a definition given by Tulsi (2001) TQM in higher education means improving the quality of courses, input, instructional process, resource management processes and structure as well as student support service output and linkages with world of work and other organizations. † As the definition embraces a vast area of educational activity, therefore the support and cooperation of Faculty and Staff members are needed for quality improvement. Participatory team work of all occupies a critical place in the practice of TQM. TQM is total in 3 senses:- 1) Customer focus 2) Involvement of staff members ) Continuous Quality Improvement( CQI) The student is the customer, who buys the study course, thus he has a right to get the relevant course material, fairness, congenial learning environment, access and expertise of the teacher and also access to course material (Sytsma, 1996). It involves the combined and continuous efforts of all those involved with system of education, directly or indirectly: may they be the College Board, superintendent, principal, students, faculty, administrative staff, Universities and Accrediting agencies in India. In India we have Accrediting Agencies like NAAC and ISO (The International Organization for Standardization Accreditation) which are enforcing standards of TQM in higher Education institutions. Benefits of Applying TQM Application of TQM in Higher education Institutions ensures improved communications, increased involvement, improved quality and efficiency in a general context, and increased potential for productivity. How to Apply TQM in Higher Education The essential elements of TQM in higher education may be summed up as:- †¢ Awareness and commitment for everyone To promote an al-round development of the student in terms of his linguistic, kinesthetic, visual and mathematical talents every participant in the teaching-learning process needs to put his/her best efforts to promote the highest possible quality at each step of the developmental process. For this everyone should be made aware of TQM. For this a staff meeting between the staff parents and college management should be held where the overview of TQM elements should be given and a clear commitment from the College Board, principal should be made for applying TQM in their system of education. A clear mission There should be a clear customer-focussed mission statement accompanied by necessary programmes to achieve it. The programmes should be set according to local, state and employer needs. In other words they should enable the students to face the problems of real life rather than mere memorization of subject matter. †¢ A Systems Planning Approach Instead of compartmentalizing kno wledge into separate subjects, it should be provided as an integrated whole so that a student can use his scientific or mathematical knowledge effectively by combining it with the communication skills of English. For this, there should be an Inter-department planning. †¢ Teaming Replacing Hierarchy The administrators, supervisors and department chairpersons should extend full support towards the Task improvement teams so as to make TQM a success. They should insist on clear missions and should coordinate between the task improvement teams †¢ Enablement and empowerment replacing fear Instead of generating fear among the members of improvement teams, they should be given opportunities to become experts by giving them authority to take informed decisions. This will eventually motivate them to work with dedication. Focus on Mastery-Learning In traditional classrooms, teachers often follow the sequence:- As a result many students fail to learn up to the highest possible level. The TQM alternative is In â€Å"Check† step, formative (Not-for-grade) testing is used to determine which learning some students missed. Then that portion is taught to students in some other styles. The chec king and revised teaching can be repeated if it is needed. The students who have mastered the material either move to enrichment learning or assist other students with their instructions. This ensures complete mastery over learning material for most of the students. Management by measurement The teacher should measure the data in Steps#3 and Step#4 to study the relationship of the remedial program and final learning result. This recorded data results in improved learning and cost effectiveness. †¢ Development of student TQM Skills The college staff should integrate TQM in the learning courses of students or provide it as a separate course. †¢ A Humanistic Focus on learning environment William Glasser has given some conditions for quality work based upon his translation of TQM principles as:- o Give a warm, supportive environment. Ask students to do useful, best possible work and to evaluate their own work. o Quality work should feel good and should be constructive. Conclus ion In the end we can say that Total quality Management in Higher education is the need of the hour. It would motivate teachers to contribute to educational standards and development of academic culture. It would inculcate a team spirit among teachers and administrators to promote harmonious development of students, so as to make them befitting citizens of tomorrow. REFERENCES Herzler, Elizabeth, TQM in Higher Education: What does the Literature say? , www. google. com P. S. Mohan Kumar, Total Quality Management in Higher Education and Relevance of Accreditation, www. google. com Hardik Vachhrajani, TQM in Education: Renewing the Research Agenda, University News P. K. Tulsi (2001), Total Quality in Higher Education, Reforms and Innovations in Higher Education, AIU, New Delhi. Deming’s Rules, Higher Education in India . ———————– PLAN TEACH TEST PLAN TEACH (Do) CHECK REVISED TEACHING (ACT) TEST

Mexican Cival Rights Essay

George I. Sanchez, Ideology, and Whiteness in the Making of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement, 1930-1960 By CARLOS K . BLANTON Let us keep in mind that the Mexican-American can easily become the front-line of defense of the civil liberties of ethnic minorities. The racial, cultural, and historical involvements in his case embrace those of all of the other minority groups. Yet, God bless the law, he is â€Å"white†! So, the Mexican-American can be the wedge for the broadening of civil liberties for others (who are not so fortunate as to be â€Å"white† and â€Å"Christian†!). George L Sanchez (1958) By embracing whiteness, Mexican Americans have reinforced the color line that has denied people of African descent full participation in American democracy. In pursuing White rights, Mexican Americans combined Latin American racialism with Anglo racism, and in the process separated themselves and their political agenda from the Black civil rights struggles of the forties and fifties. Neil Foley (1998)’ 1 HE HISTORY OF RACE AND CIVIL RIGHTS IN THE AMERICAN SoUTH IS complex and exciting. The history of Mexican American civil rights is also promising, particularly so in regard to understanding the role of whiteness. Both selections above, the first from a Mexican American ‘ The epigraphs are drawn from George I. Sanchez to Roger N. Baldwin, August 27, 1958, Folder 8, Box 31, George I. Sanchez Papers (Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection, University of Texas Libraries, Austin); and Neil Foley, â€Å"Becoming Hispanic: Mexican Americans and the Faustian Pact with Whiteness,† in Foley, ed.. Reflexiones 1997: New Directions In Mexican American Studies (Austin, 1998), 65. The author would like to thank the Journal of Southem History’s six anonymous reviewers and Texas A&M University’s Glasscock Center for Humanities Research for their very helpful intellectual guidance on this essay. MR. BLANTON is an assistant professor of history at Texas A&M University. THE JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY Volume LXXII, No. 3, August 2006 570 THE JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY intellectual of the mid-twentieth century and the last a recently published statement from a historian of race and identity, are nominally about whiteness. But the historical actor and the historian discuss whiteness differently. The quotation from the 1950s advocates exploiting legal whiteness to obtain civil rights for both Mexican Americans and other minority groups. The one from the 1990s views such a strategy as inherently racist. The historical figure writes of Mexican Americans and African Americans cooperating in the pursuit of shared civil rights goals; the historian writes of the absence, the impossibility of cooperation due to Mexican American whiteness. This contrast is worth further consideration. This essay examines the Mexican American civil rights movement by focusing on the work and ideas of George I. Sanchez—a prominent activist and professor of education at the University of Texas—in the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s. Sanchez is the most significant intellectual of what is commonly referred to as the â€Å"Mexican American Generation† of activists during this period. As a national president of the major Mexican American civil rights organization of the era, however, Sanchez’s political influence within the Mexican American community was just as important as his intellectual leadership. Sanchez pondered notions of whiteness and actively employed them, offering an excellent case study of the making of Mexican American civil rights. ^ First, this work examines how Sanchez’s civil rights efforts were vitally informed by an ideological perspective that supported gradual, integrationist, liberal reform, a stance that grew out of his activist research on African Americans in the South, Mexican Americans in the Southwest, and Latin Americans in Mexico and Venezuela. This New Deal ideological inheritance shaped Sanchez’s contention that Mexican Americans were one minority group among many needing governmental assistance. Second, this liberal ideology gave rise to a nettlesome citizenship dilemma. During the Great Depression and World War II, Mexican Americans’ strategic emphasis on American citizenship rhetorically placed them shoulder-to-shoulder with other U. S. minority groups. It also marginalized immigrant Mexicans. The significance of ^ For more on Sanehez see Gladys R. Leff, â€Å"George I. Sanchez: Don Quixote of the Southwest† (Ph. D. dissertation. North Texas State University, 1976); James Nelson Mowry, â€Å"A Study of the Educational Thought and Aetion of George I. Sanehez† (Ph. D. dissertation. University of Texas, 1977); Amerieo Paredes, ed.. Humanidad: Essays in Honor of George 1. Sanchez (Los Angeles, 1977); Steven Sehlossman, â€Å"Self-Evident Remedy? George I. Sanchez, Segregation, and Enduring Dilemmas in Bilingual Education,† Teachers College Record, 84 (Summer 1983), 871-907; and Mario T. Garcia, Mexican Americans: Leadership, Ideology, and Identity, J930-1960 (New Haven, 1989), chap. 10. WHITENESS AND MEXICAN AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS 571 citizenship was controversial within the Mexican American community and coincided with the emergence of an aggressive phase of Mexican Americans’ civil rights litigation that implemented a legal strategy based on their whiteness. Third, Sanchez’s correspondence with Thurgood Marshall of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in the 1940s and 1950s reveals early, fragmentary connections between the Mexican American and African American civil rights movements. All these topics address important interpretive debates about the role of whiteness. This essay fuses two historiographical streams: traditional studies on Mexican American politics and identity and the new whiteness scholarship’s interpretation of Mexican American civil rights. In traditional works the Mexican American civil rights experience is often examined with little sustained comparison to other civil rights experiences. Conversely, the whiteness scholarship represents a serious attempt at comparative civil rights history. Taking both approaches into account answers the recent call of one scholar for historians to â€Å"muster even greater historical imagination† in conceiving of new histories of civil rights from different perspectives. ^ Traditional research on Mexican Americans in the twentieth century centers on generational lines. From the late nineteenth century to the Great Depression, a large wave of Mexican immigrants, spurred by dislocation in Mexico as well as by economic opportunity in the U. S. , provided low-wage agricultural and industrial labor throughout the Southwest. Their political identity was as Mexicans living abroad, the â€Å"Mexicanist Generation. † They generally paid little heed to American politics and eschewed cultural assimilation, as had earlier Mexicans who forcibly became American citizens as a result of the expansionist wars of the 1830s and 1840s. However, mass violence shortly before World War I, intensifying racial discrimination throughout the early twentieth century, and forced repatriations to Mexico during the Great Depression heralded the rise of a new political ethos. The community had come to believe that its members were endangered by the presumption of foreignness and disloyalty. â€Å"^ By the late 1920s younger ‘ Charles W. Eagles, â€Å"Toward New Histories of the Civil Rights Era,† Journal of Southern History, 66 (November 2000), 848. † See Emilio Zamora, The World of the Mexican Worker in Texas (College Station, Tex., * 1993); George J. Sanchez, Becoming Mexican American: Ethnicity, Culture, and Identity in Chicano Los Angeles, 1900-1945 (New York, 1993); Benjamin Heber Johnson, Revolution in Texas: How a Forgotten Rebellion and Its Bloody Suppression Turned Mexicans into Americans (New Haven, 2003); and Amoldo De Leon, The Tejano Community, 1836-1900 (1982; new ed. , Dallas, 1997). 572 THE JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY leaders—the â€Å"Mexican American Generation†Ã¢â‚¬â€urged adoption of a new strategy of emphasizing American citizenship at all times. They strove to speak English in public and in private settings, stressed education, asked for the gradual reform of discriminatory practices, emulated middle-class life, and exuded patriotism as a loyal, progressive ethnic group. They also desired recognition as ethnic whites, not as racial others. The oldest organization expressing this identity was the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC). This ethos of hyphenated Americanism and gradual reform held sway until the late 1960s and early 1970s. ^ Studies of whiteness contribute to historians’ understanding of the interplay of race, ethnicity, and class by going beyond a black-white binary to seek the subtleties and nuances of race. This new scholarship examines who is considered white and why, traces how the definition of white shifts, unearths how whiteness conditions acts of inclusion and exclusion and how it reinforces and subverts concepts of race, and investigates the psychological and material rewards to be gained by groups that successfully claim whiteness. Class tension, nativism, and racism are connected to a larger whiteness discourse. In other words, this is a new, imaginative way to more broadly interrogate the category of race. Works on whiteness often share a conviction that thoughts or acts capitalizing on whiteness reflect racist power as well as contribute to that insidious power’s making. They also generally maintain that notions of race, whether consciously employed or not, divide ethnic and racial minorities from each other and from workingclass whites, groups that would otherwise share class status and political goals. ^ In recent reviews of the state of whiteness history, Eric Amesen, ‘ See Mario Garcia, Mexican Americans; George J. Sanchez, Becoming Mexican American; David G. Gutierrez, Walls and Mirrors: Mexican Americans, Mexican Immigrants, and the Politics of Ethnicity (Berkeley, 1995); Ignacio M. Garcia, Viva Kennedy: Mexican Americans in Search of Camelot (College Station, Tex. , 2000); Carl Allsup, The American G. I. Forum: Origins and Evolution (Austin, 1982); Richard A. Garcia, Rise of the Mexican American Middle Class: San Antonio, 1929—1941 (College Station, Tex. , 1991); David Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans in the Making of Texas, 1836-1986 (Austin, 1987), chaps. 12 and 13; Julie Leininger Pyeior, LBJ and Mexican Americans: The Paradox of Power (Austin, 1997); Juan Gomez-Quinones, Chicano Politics: Reality and Promise, 1940-1990 (Albuquerque, 1990); and Guadalupe San Miguel Jr. , Brown, Not White: School Integration and the Chicano Movement in Houston (College Station, Tex. , 2001). ^ David R. Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (1991; rev. ed.. New York, 1999); Roediger, Towards the Abolition of Whiteness: Essays on Race, Politics, and Working Class History (New York, 1994); Matthew Frye Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race (Cambridge, Mass. , 1998); George Lipsitz, The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit From Identity Politics (Philadelphia, 1998). WHITENESS AND MEXICAN AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS. 573 Barbara J. Fields, Peter Kolchin, and Daniel Wickberg offer much criticism. These historians argue that scholars using whiteness as an analytical tool are shoddy in their definitions, read too finely and semantically into documents and literary texts, and privilege discursive moments that have little or nothing to do with actual people or experiences. More specifically, Kolchin and Amesen argue that many studies of whiteness incautiously caricature race as an unchanging, omnipresent, and overly deterministic category. In such works whiteness is portrayed as acting concretely and abstractly with or without historical actors and events. Ironically, studies of whiteness can obscure the exercise of power. Fields explains that studying â€Å"race† and â€Å"racial identity† is more attractive than studying â€Å"racism† because â€Å"racism exposes the hoUowness of agency and identity . . . [and] it violates the two-sides-to-every-story expectation of symmetry that Americans are peculiarly attached to. â€Å"^ Research that applies the idea of whiteness to Mexican American history is sparse and even more recent. Several of these studies focus upon the use of whiteness as a legal strategy while others take a broader approach. ^ Historian Neil Foley offers the most significant and ambitious arguments by moving beyond an analysis of how white people viewed Mexican Americans to look instead at the construction of whiteness in the Mexican American mind. He shifts the perspective from external whiteness to internal whiteness and argues that Mexican Americans entered into a â€Å"Faustian Pact† by embracing racism toward African Americans in the course of trying to avoid de jure discrimination. Foley claims that Mexican Americans consciously curried the favor of racist whites: â€Å"In pursuing White rights, Mexican Americans ‘ Peter Kolchin, â€Å"Whiteness Studies: The New History of Race in America,† Journal of American History, 89 (June 2002), 154-73; Eric Arnesen, â€Å"Whiteness and the Historians’ Imagination,† International Labor and Working-Class History, 60 (Fall 2001), 3-32; Barbara J. Fields, â€Å"Whiteness, Racism, and Identity,† International Labor and Working-Class History, 60 (Fall 2001), 48-56 (quotations on p.48); Daniel Wickberg, â€Å"Heterosexual White Male; Some Recent Inversions in American Cultural History,† Journal of American History, 92 (June 2005), 136-57. *Ian F. Haney Lopez, White By Law: The Legal Construction of Race (New York, 1996); Neil Foley, The White Scourge: Mexicans, Blacks, and Poor Whites in Texas Cotton Culture (Berkeley, 1997); Steven Harmon Wilson, The Rise of Judicial Management in the U. S. District Court, Southern District of Texas, 1955-2000 (Athens, Ga., 2002); Wilson, â€Å"Brown over ‘Other White’; Mexican Americans’ Legal Arguments and Litigation Strategy in School Desegregation Lawsuits,† Law and History Review, 21 (Spring 2003), 145-94; Clare Sheridan, â€Å"‘Another White Race’: Mexican Americans and the Paradox of Whiteness in Jury Selection,† Law and History Review, 21 (Spring 2003), 109^14; Ariela J. Gross, â€Å"Texas Mexicans and the Polities of Whiteness,† Law and History Review, 21 (Spring 2003), 195-205; Carlos Kevin Blanton, The Strange Career of Bilingual Education in Texas, 1836-1981 (College Station, Tex., 2004); Patrick J. Carroll, Felix Longoria’s Wake: Bereavement, Racism, and the Rise of Mexican American Activism (Austin, 2003). 574 THE JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY combined Latin American racialism with Anglo racism, and in the process separated themselves and their political agenda from the Black civil rights struggles of the forties and fifties. â€Å"^ Missing from such interpretations of whiteness’s meaning to Mexican Americans is George I. Sanchez’s making of Mexican American civil rights. Analyzing Sanchez’s views is an excellent test of Foley’s interpretation because Sanchez’s use of the category of whiteness was sophisticated, deliberate, reflective, and connected to issues and events. An internationalist, multiculturalist, and integrationist ideology shaped by New Deal experiences in the American Southwest, the American South, and Latin America informed George L Sanchez’s civil rights activism and scholarship. Sanchez regarded Mexican Americans as one of many American minority groups suffering racial, ethnic, and religious bigotry. Though Sanchez regarded Mexican Americans’ racial status as white, he also held that they were a minority group that experienced systematic and racialized oppression. Sanchez’s articulation of whiteness was qualified by an anti-racist ideological worldview and supports Eric Amesen’s criticism of â€Å"overreaching† by whiteness scholars who â€Å"appreciate neither ambiguity nor counter-discourses of race, the recognition of which would cast doubt on their bold claims. â€Å"‘ ° Sanchez was very much a New Deal â€Å"service intellectual† who utilized academic research in an attempt to progressively transform society. The term service intellectual is an appropriate description of Sanchez, who propagated his civil rights activism through academic research with governmental agencies (the Texas State Department of Education, the New Mexico State Department of Education, the U. S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, and the Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs) and national philanthropic organizations (the General Education Board, the Julius Rosenwald Eund, the Carnegie Foundation, and the Marshall Civil Liberties Trust). The pinnacle of Sanchez’s scholarly contribution as a service intellectual was his evocative 1940 portrayal of rural New Mexican poverty and segregation in The Forgotten People: A Study of New Mexicans. ‘ ‘ ‘ Foley, â€Å"Becoming Hispanic,† 53-70 (quotation on p. 65); Foley, â€Å"Partly Colored or Other White: Mexican Americans and Their Problem with the Color Line,† in Stephanie Cole and Alison M. Parker, eds. , Beyond Black and White: Race, Ethnicity, and Gender in the U. S. South and Southwest (College Station, Tex. , 2004), 123-44. For an older whiteness study that discusses the external imposition of racial concepts on Mexican Americans and other groups, see Roediger, Towards the Abolition of Whiteness, chap. 10. ‘†Amesen, â€Å"Whiteness and the Historians’ Imagination,† 24. † Richard S. Kirkendall, Social Scientists and Farm Politics in the Age of Roosevelt WHITENESS AND MEXICAN AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS 575 Sanchez particularly sought to transform society through the field of education. In the early 1930s he published blistering critiques of the shoddiness of IQ tests conducted on Mexican American children. Mexican Americans bad just challenged separate schools in Texas and California and were told by the courts that because they were technically â€Å"white,† racial segregation was illegal; however, the courts then claimed that pedagogical segregation based upon intellectual or linguistic â€Å"deficiency† was permissible. In challenging racist IQ science, Sanchez essentially advocated integration. ‘^ A decade of service intellectual work came together for Sanchez in Forgotten People. He called for a comprehensive federal and state program to uplift downtrodden Hispanic New Mexicans: â€Å"Remedial measures will not solve the problem piecemeal. Poverty, illiteracy, and ill-health are merely symptoms. If education is to get at the root of the problem schools must go beyond subject-matter instruction. . . . The curriculum of the educational agencies becomes, then, the magna carta of social and economic rehabilitation; the teacher, the advance agent of a new social order. â€Å"‘^ Sanchez regarded Mexican Americans as similar to Japanese Americans, Jewish Americans, and African Americans. To Sanchez these were all minority groups that endured varying levels of discrimination by white, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant America. Sanchez was uninterested in divining a hierarchy of racial victimization; instead, he spent considerable energy on pondering ways for these groups to get the federal government, in New Deal fashion, to help alleviate their plight. Even in the mid-1960s when many Mexican Americans had come to favor a separate racial identity over an ethnic one, Sanchez still conceived of Mexican Americans as a cultural group, ignoring concepts of race altogether unless discussing racial discrimination. â€Å"^ Sanchez engaged the struggles of other minority groups and linked them to Mexican American activism. In 1948, for example, Sanchez (Columbia, Mo. , 1966), 1-6; George I. Sanchez, Forgotten People: A Study of New Mexicans (1940; reprint, Albuquerque, 1996), xvi-xvii. Befitting the service intellectual ideal of freely diffusing knowledge, the Carnegie Foundation gave the book away. Carnegie provided four thousand dollars for Sanchez’s research at the same time it supported work on a much larger study on African Americans—Gunnar Myrdal’s classic An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy (New York, 1944). ‘^ Carlos Kevin Blanton, â€Å"From Intellectual Deficiency to Cultural Deficiency: Mexican Americans, Testing, and Public School Policy in the American Southwest, 1920-1940,† Pacific Historical Review, 72 (February 2003), 56-61 (quotations on p. 60). ‘ ‘ Sanchez, Forgotten People, 86. ‘† George I. Sanchez, â€Å"History, Culture, and Education,† in Julian Samora, ed.. La Raza: Forgotten Americans (Notre Dame, 1966), 1-26; Mario Garcia, Mexican Americans, 267-68. 576 THE JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY published through the United States Indian Service a government study on Navajo problems called The People: A Study of the Navajos. ^^ In 1937-1938 Sanchez transferred his New Deal, reformist ideology across borders as a Latin American education expert with a prestigious administrative post in Venezuela’s national government. Writing to Edwin R. Embree, director of the Julius Rosenwald Fund, Sanchez described his work as the chief coordinator of the country’s teachertraining program in familiar New Deal terms: â€Å"the hardest task is breaking down social prejudices, traditional apathy, obstructive habits (political and personal) and in-bred aimlessness. † His first program report was appropriately titled â€Å"Release from Tyranny. â€Å"‘^ During World War II Sanchez was appointed to the Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs under Nelson A. Rockefeller, where he continued work on Latin American teacher-training programs as part of the war effort. Sanchez was deeply committed to progressive reform in Latin America that would lift educational and living standards. ‘^ Sanchez also took on African American issues. From 1935 to 1937 he worked as a staff member with the Chicago-based Julius Rosenwald Eund. This philanthropic organization was concerned with African American rural education in the South, and in this capacity Sanchez collaborated with Eisk University’s future president, the eminent sociologist Charles S. Johnson, on preparing the massive Compendium on Southem Rural Life. Sanchez was listed in the study’s budget as the highest-paid researcher for the 1936-1937 academic year with a $4,500 salary and a $2,000 travel budget. Sanchez’s work with the Rosenwald Eund also involved numerous activities beyond his role as the group’s pedagogical expert. In November and December 1936 he lobbied the Louisiana State Department of Education on behalf of a † â€Å"Dr. Sanchez Seeks Fulfillment of U. S. Promise to Navajos,† Austin Daily Texan, November 16, 1946, in George I. Sanchez Vertical File (Center for American History, Austin, Texas; hereinafter this collection will be cited as Sanchez Vertical File and this repository as Center for American History); George I. Sanchez, The People: A Study of the Navajos ([Washington, D. C], 1948). â€Å"^ G. I. Sanchez to Edwin R. Embree, October 17, 1937, Folder 4, Box 127, Julius Rosenwald Fund Archives (Special Collections, John Hope and Aurelia Franklin Library, Fisk University, Nashville, Tennessee; hereinafter this collection will be cited as Rosenwald Fund Archives and this repository as Franklin Library) (quotation); Embree to Sanchez, October 29, 1937, ibid. Sanchez’s work for the â€Å"Instituto Pedagogico† occurred just after its creation in 1936 during a brief liberal phase of Venezuelan politics. For more on its creation, see Judith Ewell, Venezuela: A Century of Change (Stanford, 1984), 75. â€Å"Dave Cheavens, â€Å"Soft-Spoken UT Professor Loaned to Coordinator of Latin-American Affairs,† Austin Statesman, December 3, 1943, in Sanchez Vertical File; â€Å"Texan Will Direct Training of Teachers,† Dallas Morning News, November 3, 1943, ibid. ; George I. Sanchez, â€Å"Mexican Education As It Looks Today,† Nation’s Schools, 32 (September 1943), 23, ibid. ; George I. Sanchez, Mexico: A Revolution by Education (New York, 1936). WHITENESS AND MEXICAN AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS 511 Rosenwald teacher-training program and the broader issue of school equalization. Equalization had been the primary avenue of African American activism that culminated with the Gaines v. Canada decision of 1938, which mandated that the University of Missouri either admit a black law student or create a separate, equal law school for African Americans. Sanchez also lobbied in Washington, D. C. , in February 1937, consulting with the Progressive Education Association and various government agencies on Rosenwald projects. ‘^ As one of his duties on the compendium project, Sanchez studied rote learning for rural African American children who lived in homes lacking in formal education. This study was inspired by Charles Johnson’s mentor at the University of Chicago, Robert E. Park. Johnson, Sanchez, and other young researchers such as famed historian Horace Mann Bond were to look at ways to educate populations â€Å"handicapped by the lack of books and a tradition of formal education in the home. † This venture was affiliated with the Tennessee Valley Authority and chiefly concerned with â€Å"raising the cultural level† of poor, rural African Americans more effectively than standard textbooks and pedagogies developed for privileged students in other parts of the country. The project aimed to equip teachers to â€Å"integrate the knowledge which the school seeks to inculcate with the experiences of its pupils and with the tradition of the local community. † Sanchez’s comparable work with bilingual education in New Mexico and Latin America fit well within the scope of the new undertaking. ‘^ Sanchez’s biggest project with the Rosenwald Fund was creating a well-recognized teacher-training program at the Louisiana Negro Normal and Industrial Institute at Grambling. Charles S. Johnson later described this Grambling teacher-training program as â€Å"among the most progressive of the community-centered programs for the education of teachers in the country. † He praised the Grambling endeavor for offering African American teachers â€Å"opportunities for the development of creativeness and inventiveness in recognizing and solving ‘* Charles S. Johnson to Edwin R. Embree, October 16, 1936, Folder 1, Box 333, Rosenwald Fund Archives; Embree to Johnson, October 23, 1936, and enclosed budget manuscripts â€Å"Supplementary Budget on Rural Education Compendium† and â€Å"Rural School Exploration, Tentative Budget 1936-37,† ibid. ; undated project time sheet [October 7, 1936 to April 27, 1937], Folder 3, Box 127, ibid. ; Numan V. Bartley, The New South, 1945-1980 (Baton Rouge, 1995), 15; Compendium on Southern Rural Life with Reference to the Problems of the Common School (9 vols. ; [Chicago? ], 1936). † Charles S. Johnson to Edwin R. Embree, January 21, February 25, 1937, Folder 5, Box 335, Rosenwald Fund Archives; Johnson to Dorothy Elvidge, June 23, 1937, and study proposal by Robert E. Park, â€Å"Memorandum on Rote Learning Studies,† March 3, 1937, pp. 2 (first and second quotations), 3 (third quotation), ibid. Sanchez left shortly after the project began. 578 THE JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY the problems to be found in rural communities, homes, and schools . . . .†^ ° Sanchez oversaw this project from its inception in September 1936 until he left for Venezuela in the middle of 1937. He set up the curriculum, the budgets, the specialized staff (nurses, agricultural instructors, home economists, and rural school supervisors), and equipment (the laboratory school and a bus for inspections). These duties involved close coordination with Grambling administrators, Louisiana health officials, and state education and agriculture bureaucrats. Difficulties arose due to Sanchez’s departure. One Rosenwald employee summarized the program’s problems, â€Å"As long as George [Sanchez] was here he was the individual who translated that philosophy to the people at Grambling, and I am sure that you agree with me that he could do it far more effectively than the rest of us. But now that Sanchez [sic] is not here it is the job of the president of the institution to do both this interpretation and this stimulation. . . . I do not believe [President] Jones knows them. â€Å"‘^’ Fisk’s Charles S. Johnson was elite company for Sanchez. Johnson’s devastating attacks on southem sharecropping influenced public policy and garnered praise from President Franklin D. Roosevelt. He and others spurred the creation of Roosevelt’s â€Å"Black Cabinet. â€Å"^^ Sanchez practiced a similar combination of academic research and social activism. When he began his work at Grambling he had recently lost his position in the New Mexico State Department of Education due to his pointed advocacy of reform as well as his penchant for hard-hitting, publicly funded academic research on controversial topics such as the segregation of Mexican Americans in schools. He had long sparked controversy with his research on racial issues. What especially limited ^ ° Charles S. Johnson, â€Å"Section 8—The Negro Public Schools,† in Louisiana Educational Survey (7 vols, in 8; Baton Rouge, 1942), IV, 216 (first quotation), 185 (second quotation). A copy of this volume is in Folder 5, Box 182, Charles Spurgeon Johnson Papers (Franklin Library). ^’ A. C. Lewis to G. I. Sanchez, October 14, 1936, Folder 13, Box 207, Rosenwald Fund Archives; Sanchez to Dr. R. W. Todd, September 28, 1936, ibid. Sanchez to Miss Clyde Mobley, September 28, 1936, ibid. ; Sanchez to J. W. Bateman, September 28, 1936, ibid. Sanchez to Lewis, September 28, 1936, ibid. ; Edwin R. Embree to Lewis, September 29, 1936, ibid. ; Sanchez to Lewis, September 30, 1936, ibid. ; Dorothy A. Elvidge to Lewis, November 27, 1936, ibid. ; Lewis to Sanchez, July 9, 1937, Folder 14, Box 207, ibid.; i. C. Dixon to Lewis, March 17, 1938, Folder 15, Box 207, ibid, (quotation on p. 2); Sanchez, â€Å"The Rural Normal School’s TeacherEducation Program Involves . . . ,† September 17, 1936, Folder 16, Box 207, ibid. ; Sanchez, â€Å"Suggested Budget—Grambling,† April 9, 1937, ibid. ; Sanchez, â€Å"Recommendations,† December 9, 1936, ibid. ^^ John Egerton, Speak Now Against the Day: The Generation Before the Civil Rights Movement in the South (New York, 1994), 91-92; George Brown Tindall, The Emergence of the New South, ? 913-1945 (Baton Rouge, 1967), 543, 544 (quotation); Matthew William Dunne, â€Å"Next Steps: Charles S. Johnson and Southem Liberalism,† Journal of Negro History, 83 (Winter 1998), 10-11. WHITENESS AND MEXICAN AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS 579 Sanchez’s future in New Mexico was a 1933 furor over his distribution of another scholar’s Thurstone scale (a psychometric technique developed in the 1920s) on racial attitudes to pupils in New Mexico’s public schools. Governor Arthur Seligman publicly demanded that Sanchez be ousted and that the General Education Board (GEB) cancel the grant funding his position in the state bureaucracy. Partly due to the influence of New Mexico’s U. S. senator Bronson Cutting, a progressive Republican champion of Mexican Americans, Sanchez survived an ugly public hearing that resulted in the resignation of the University of New Mexico faculty member who devised the scale. Nevertheless, the incident severely constrained Sanchez’s future in the New Mexican educational and political arena. ^^ But Sanchez was not pushed into African American education simply out of desperation for employment. He appreciated the opportunities that the Rosenwald Fund provided to broaden his activism as a service intellectual beyond the Southwest. He was direct about this to his most ardent supporter. President James F. Zimmerman of the University of New Mexico: â€Å"I’m sorry the [Rosenwald] Fund is virtually prohibited from extending its interests and experiments into the Southwest. This is the only disappointment I feel in connection with my present work. I feel it keenly, however, as you know how deeply I am bound up with that area and its peoples. At the same time, though, being here has given me a wider viewpoint and experience that may well be directed at my ‘first love’ sometime. † Zimmerman was disappointed; he had groomed Sanchez for a faculty and administrative future at the University of New Mexico. Despite the uproar in 1933 Sanchez’s talents were in high demand, however, as GEB agent Leo Favrot and Rosenwald director Edwin Embree coordinated which agency would carry Sanchez’s salary with the New Mexico State Department of Education in early 1935 (GEB) and during a yearlong research project on Mexican higher education from 1935 to the middle of 1936 (Rosenwald Fund) until he joined the staff of the Rosenwald Fund on a full-time basis for his work at Grambling. ^’* ^^ G. I. Sanchez to Leo M. Favrot, April 27 and May 11, 1933, Folder 900, Box 100, G.

Supreme Court Justice Selection Criteria

Supreme Court Justice Selection Criteria Who selects United States Supreme Court justices and by what criteria are their qualifications evaluated? The President of the United States nominates prospective justices, who must be confirmed by the U.S. Senate before being seated on the court. The Constitution lists no official qualifications for becoming a Supreme Court justice. While presidents typically nominate people who generally share their own political and ideological views, the justices’ are in no way obligated to reflect the president’s views in their decisions on cases brought before the court. The president nominates an individual to the Supreme Court when an opening occurs.Typically, the president picks someone from their own party.The president usually picks someone who agrees with their judicial philosophy of either judicial restraint or judicial activism.The president might also choose someone of a varied background in order to bring a greater degree of balance to the court.The Senate confirms the presidential appointment with a majority vote.While it is not a requirement, the nominee typically testifies before the Senate Judiciary Committee before being confirmed by the full Senate.Rarely is a Supreme Court nominee forced to withdraw. Currently, of the more than 150 people nominated to the Supreme Court, only 30 - including one who was nominated for promotion to Chief Justice - have either declined their own nomination, been rejected by the Senate, or had their nomination withdrawn by the president. The latest nominee to be rejected by the Senate was Harriet Miers i n 2005. The President's Selections Filling vacancies on the Supreme Court of the United States (often abbreviated as SCOTUS) is one of the more significant actions a president can take. The U.S. presidents successful nominees will sit on the U.S. Supreme Court for years and sometimes decades after the presidents retirement from political office. Compared to the appointments the president makes to his (or her- currently all U.S. presidents have been male although that surely will change in the future) Cabinet positions, the president has a great deal of latitude in selecting justices. Most presidents have valued a reputation for selecting quality judges, and typically the president reserves the final selection for himself rather than delegating it to his subordinates or political allies. Perceived Motivations Several legal scholars and political scientists have studied the selection process in depth, and find that each president makes his choices based a set of criteria. In 1980, William E. Hulbary and Thomas G. Walker looked at the motivations behind presidential nominees to the Supreme Court between 1879 and 1967. They found that the most common criteria used by the presidents to select Supreme Court nominees fell into three categories: traditional, political, and professional. Traditional Criteria acceptable political philosophy (according to Hulbary and Walker, 93% of the presidential nominees between 1789–1967 were based on this criterion)geographical balance (70%)the right age- appointees in their mid-50s, old enough to have proven records and yet young enough to serve a decade or more on the court (15%)religious representation (15%) Political Criteria members of his own political party (90%)placate certain political interests or improve the political climate for the presidents policies or personal political fortune (17%)political payoffs for groups or individuals who have been crucial to the presidents career (25%)cronyism, people with whom the president has a close political or personal relationship (33%) Professional Qualifications Criteria individuals with distinguished credentials as practitioners or scholars of law (66%)superior records of public service (60%)prior judicial experience (50%) Later scholarly research has necessarily added gender and ethnicity to the balance choices, and the political philosophy today often hinges on how the nominee feels about the Constitution. But the main categories are still clearly in evidence. Kahn, for example, categorizes the criteria into Representational (race, gender, political party, religion, geography); Doctrinal (selection based on someone who matches the political views of the president); and Professional (intelligence, experience, temperament). Rejecting the Traditional Criteria Interestingly, the best performing justices- based on Blaustein and Mersky, the seminal 1972 ranking of Supreme Court justices- were those that were chosen by a president who did not share the nominees philosophical persuasion. For example, James Madison appointed Joseph Story and Herbert Hoover selected Benjamin Cardozo. Rejecting other traditional requirements also resulted in some great choices: justices Marshall, Harlan, Hughes, Brandeis, Stone, Cardozo, and Frankfurter were all chosen despite the fact that people on the SCOTUS were already in those regions. Justices Bushrod Washington, Joseph Story, John Campbell, and William Douglas were too young, and L.Q.C. Lamar was too old to fit the  right age criteria. Herbert Hoover appointed the Jewish Cardozo despite there already being a Jewish member of the court- Brandeis; and Truman replaced the vacant Catholic position with the Protestant Tom Clark. The Scalia Complication The death of long-time Associate Justice Antonin Scalia in February 2016 set off a chain of events that would leave the Supreme Court facing the complicated situation of tied votes for over a year. In March 2016, the month after Scalia’s death, President Barack Obama nominated D.C. Circuit Judge Merrick Garland to replace him. The Republican-controlled Senate, however, argued that Scalia’s replacement should be appointed by the next president to be elected in November 2016. Controlling the committee system calendar, Senate Republicans succeeded in preventing hearings on Garland’s nomination from being scheduled. As a result, Garland’s nomination remained before the Senate longer than any other Supreme Court nomination, expiring with the end of the 114th Congress and President Obama’s final term in January 2017. On January 31, 2017, President Donald Trump nominated federal appeals court Judge Neil Gorsuch to replace Scalia. After being confirmed by a Senate vote of 54 to 45, Justice Gorsuch was sworn in on April 10, 2017. In total, Scalia’s seat remained vacant for 422 days, making it the second longest Supreme Court vacancy since the end of the Civil War. Updated by Robert Longley Sources Blaustein AP, and Mersky RM. 1972. Rating Supreme Court Justices. American Bar Association Journal 58(11):1183-1189.Hulbary WE, and Walker TG. 1980. The Supreme Court Selection Process: Presidential Motivations and Judicial Performance. The Western Political Quarterly 33(2):185-196.Kahn MA. 1995. The Appointment of a Supreme Court Justice: A Political Process from Beginning to End. Presidential Studies Quarterly 25(1):25-41.Segal JA, and Cover AD. 2014. Ideological Values and the Votes of U.S. Supreme Court Justices. American Political Science Review 83(2):557-565.Segal JA, Epstein L, Cameron CM, and Spaeth HJ. 1995. Ideological Values and the Votes of U.S. Supreme Court Justices Revisited. The Journal of Politics 57(3):812-823.

Buying Essay

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The Lack of benefits available to soldiers returning from the Middle Term Paper

The Lack of benefits available to soldiers returning from the Middle East with mental and physically disorders - Term Paper Example It has been projected by some that close to fifty percent of current Middle East conflict veterans will seek medical treatment from the Veterans Administration. More than sixty percent of these injured veterans will seek short-term treatment, defined as medical care that lasts less than five years, but the other approximately forty percent of them will remain in the Veteran's Administration health care system for the rest of their lives (Patsner, n.p.). Unfortunately for these brave men and women, the resources available to treat injured and disabled veterans are currently severely lacking in quality. There are many reasons for the current situation. Among them are the sheer number of injured veterans returning from these conflicts and the cost of treating them, the type of injuries that are returning home, the number of veterans already in the system that also require care, the inadequacy of the existing system to handle patient transfers when a veteran moves from one part of the sy stem to another, and the lack of preparedness by primary care physicians outside the Veterans' Administration system to deal with war-related injuries. Many Americans are aware of the extremely high costs of the Middle East conflicts, as these operations have resulted in a continuous presence of American military members in that theater since the September 11, 2001 World Trade Center attack. As of the end of the 2010 fiscal year, the United States federal government had spent seven hundred and fifty-one billion dollars in Iraq and three hundred thirty-six billion dollars in Afghanistan (Belasco, p. 1). However, many people are not aware of the costs incurred after the injured veterans of these conflicts return home. One projection states that the costs of life-long medical care, disability benefits, and social security and pension benefits for veterans of the current Iraq and Afghanistan conflicts could eventually total over seven hundred billion dollars, which is more than the over all cost for the first five years of the conflict (Patsner, n.p.). Additionally, up to forty-five percent of Gulf War veterans may apply for long-term disability benefits. Over eighty-eight percent of those applying will be at least partially eligible to receive some form of disability payments. These disability claims could potentially add another three hundred fifty-five billion dollars to the total cost of health care for injured veterans of the Iraq and Afghanistan conflicts (Patsner, n.p.) The Department of Defense and the Veterans' Administration have been ill-prepared to deal with the flood of injured service members and veterans returning from these conflicts. In 2001, before the current Middle East operations had begun, the number of backlogged Veteran's Administration cases was near one hundred thousand. As of April 2008, the number of unprocessed cases had jumped to over six hundred thousand. This means that not only are the currently returning veterans not being treated efficiently, resources are being re-directed from older veterans and reducing their access to care as well (Kenneth & Burris, 2330-39). This backlog of untreated cases, as well as the complexity of the application process for use of the Veterans' Administration medical resources, can lead to more issues of aggravated injuries for those veterans that are not adequately and quickly treated for their injuries. Due to the lack of screening as veterans separate from active